THE "SAN FRANCISCO EVENING POST"
1871-1875 AGE, 32-36
IT was in 1859, before he came of age and while setting type on the "Home
Journal," that, on an alarm of fire one day which brought most of the people
of the neighbourhood into the street, Henry George found himself wedged in a
doorway with a strange printer from another part of the building, both trying
to pass through at the same moment. Seven years later on meeting him again,
George learned that this man was William M. Hinton. George was then about to
set off on the Mexican filibustering expedition and Hinton deprecated his
going, because George would imperil his life and most likely cut off the
means of his family's support. That commenced the friendship, and when "Our
Land and Land Policy" had been published, Hinton was one of those to whom the
author gave a copy. Born in England, in 1830, nearly ten years before George's
birth, he was brought to the United States as a child, his father, I.T.
Hinton, coming to Philadelphia in 1832 to sell a history of the United States
written by himself and his brother, John Howard Hinton. George wavered during
the summer of 1871 be tween remaining in California and going to New York or
Philadelphia to establish himself, when he chanced one day to talk with
Hinton, of which conversation the latter says:
"Mr. George was talking of going East to settle. I had read his pamphlet, 'Our
Land and Land Policy,' and was taken with it, believing its author showed
marked ability. In talking with him about it and other things, I asked him why
he did not start a newspaper. He replied that he had no money; to which I said
that anybody could start one with money, but that the difficult and
commendable achievement was to start one without it. I had no thought about
entering upon such an enterprise myself, as I was getting a good living out of
the job-printing establishment of Mahan & Co., of which firm I was a partner.
I made the suggestion to Mr. George simply because at the time he had no
employment. Yet as a result of this casual conversation, the idea catching
fire in his mind, I found myself before long getting into the thing, though
even then I purposed to stay only until it should be set on its feet,
planning then to withdraw. Three of us entered into an equal partnership –
George, who was to be editor; myself, who was to superintend the printing; and
A.H. Rapp, a member of my job-printing firm, who was to be business manager.
We got together about $1,800 and this and some more that we got in by the sale
in advance of delivery routes, constituted all the capital we had with which
to start a daily newspaper. We lost no time, and on Monday, December 4, 1871,
the first copy of the 'Daily Evening Post' appeared, with Hinton, Rapp & Co.
as publishers, and Henry George as editor. Our office was at 605 Montgomery
Street, west side, a few doors north of Clay."
Following the example of very successful newspapers in the East, the price was
set at one cent a copy, it being the first penny paper west of the Rocky
Mountains. Indeed, the cent piece was not in commercial use on the Pacific
Coast, so that it had to be introduced specially; which was accomplished by
inducing the largest financial institution in the Western country – the
Bank of California – to import a thousand dollars' worth of pennies on
the presumption of their usefulness in a multitude of minor commercial
transactions. Then San Francisco was astonished by the spectacle of newsboys
crying the new paper on the streets for a cent a copy, and ready with a large
supply of pennies to make change. The novelty of the thing caused people to
buy the little "Post." For the paper, consisting of four pages, "was only
eleven by fourteen inches, and the type very small. The early numbers
contained little advertising and telegraphic, the space being filled with
local news and editorials, written in short, sharp, direct style. In its
salutatory it said: "In the higher, wider sense the 'Post' will be Democratic;
that is, it will oppose centralisation and monopolies of all kinds. But it
will be the organ of no faction, clique or party. It will endeavour to deal
with all questions without cowardly reserve, but with firmness and candour;
and whether it praises or censures, it will be without reference to party
lines or party affiliations."
Towards the end of his life Henry George told of the early history of the
"The vigour of the little paper attracted attention and it began to run to as
large a circulation as could be obtained with our press facilities. We could
get only one double flat-bed press. An offer soon came from another newspaper
man, H.W. Thomson, now dead, to buy at a good price a fourth interest. The
third partner, "Rapp, wanted to sell his share, and he did sell it for about
$2,500. Mr. Hinton and I concluded that we had better withdraw, and we sold
our interests, each getting $2,700. All three of the original partners had
thus sold to Thomson. This happened within four months and a half after the
first issue appeared. But no sooner was the policy changed than the
circulation of the 'Post' dropped, and in less than sixty days Thomson offered
the paper to us for a merely nominal sum. This Mr. Hinton and I accepted, and
Frank Mahan, another printer, was given a small interest. I went along
editing the paper, which immediately started to grow."
A feature that was quickly recognised by the public as indicating the
independence of the new journal was its treatment of the land and taxation
questions. Frequently quotations were made from "Our Land and Land Policy" and
more frequently there were editorials favouring the taxation of land values to
the exclusion of all other things. These editorials were always short and
direct. This feature grew strong enough to become the objective point with
the opposition press, which ridiculed "George's fad." But fad or no fad, the
editor kept persistently talking of it and snapped up every challenge to
discuss it with other papers. When in May, 1873, John Stuart Mill died at
Avignon, France, the "Post" paid a fine editorial tribute to the passing of
this "greatest living master of political economy," making commendation of the
decision of those having the matter in hand that instead of raising a statue
to him in America, they should publish a memorial edition of his writings
– "his best monument."
In national politics the paper was strongly opposed to Grant, "carpet-bag
reconstruction" and centralisation, and warmly advocated the nomination for
the Presidency of Horace Greeley, editor of the "New York Tribune," who,
although formerly a zealous supporter of war measures, now wished to ignore
sectionalism and bind up the nation's wounds. Mr. George was elected a
delegate to the Democratic National Convention to meet in Baltimore, Maryland,
early in July, 1872. He went East by way of Philadelphia, where he had sent
his family just before starting the "Post," on account of his wife's ill
health. Thence, accompanied by his wife, he went to Baltimore, where he was
elected secretary of the California delegation, Ex-Governor Downey being
chairman. On July 10, 1872, Greeley was nominated unanimously and a few days
later the California delegation visited the candidate on his estate at
Chappaqua, Westchester County, N.Y., George writing to his paper a long signed
description of the occasion, closing with the words: "We all felt ... that in
this sturdy, benignant old man we had a candidate round whom we could all
rally, and who fittingly represented the grandest idea of the time – the
idea of reconciliation."
Then Mr. George hastened back to San Francisco to plunge editorially into the
campaign. In this, as in all his fights, he grew more and more hopeful as his
blood warmed in the conflict; but his wife, who now was growing to understand
public affairs and therefore becoming more his counsellor in such matters, was
not so sure, writing October 8, on the day of the Pennsylvania State election:
"This is the day that in a measure determines Greeley's fate. I am not at all
sanguine, but I won't give up even if the Republicans win this contest."
Greeley was badly beaten; and George was sorely disappointed. But he was not
the man to repine. At once he was up and doing on another line.
Meanwhile in August, when less than eight and a half months old, the "Post"
had been increased in size and its price advanced to two cents; and a month
and a half later, enlarged to the size of the ordinary newspaper and the
charge for single copies made five cents, "to accommodate the price to the
currency," the attempt to introduce the one cent piece proving after a long
trial a failure.
As might be imagined, a newspaper that saw evils to oppose and did not
hesitate to oppose them, could find plenty of work to do. As a matter of fact,
the "Post" was kept busy with fights of one kind or another. One of these
attracted wide attention. It was the case of the ship Sunrise, which
sailing from New York harbour in May, 1873, had a passage to San Francisco
marked by such cruelty towards the crew by the captain and first mate that
three of the men jumped overboard and were drowned. Attempts were made to hush
up the matter when the ship reached the Golden Gate, but Mr. George learned of
it and at once demanded a prosecution. The captain and first mate fled, but
upon the "Post's" offering a reward, were apprehended and brought to trial,
the newspaper engaging special counsel. The officers were convicted to long
terms of imprisonment. The "Post" subsequently took up some less flagrant
cases of maritime brutality and established itself as a champion of sailor's
That personal danger attended the editing of an aggressive Western newspaper
has been often attested, and Mr. George had his share. Ex-Judge Robert Ferral,
then one of the editorial writers on the "Post," says of one of these cases:
"I went with Henry George to attend an investigation of the House of
Correction, or Industrial School, which was in charge of a brute named George
F. Harris. At the gate stood the redoubtable Harris, with his hand on his
pistol, looking more like a pirate than the superintendent of a public
institution. Without the least hesitation Mr. George walked right up to him,
looked the burly ruffian straight in the eyes, and passed into the yard
without a word. All through that investigation Harris avoided the steady,
indignant gaze of the brave little man who pressed his charges of brutality
and drove him from his position and out of the city."
Another instance of personal danger arose out of the Tarpey case in the
beginning of 1873. Matthew Tarpey, a brutal but affluent land-owner in
Monterey County, quarrelled with an unoffending woman named Nicholson about a
tract of land. He dug a pit, lay in it for hours waiting for her, and shot her
in the back and killed her when she took alarm and tried to run away. The
country around became fiercely excited, and more so when it was rumoured that
Tarpey's wealth would clear him as others had been cleared of late, and that
the first step would be to move him to another locality for trial. Word went
out at once that the citizens would stop that and take the matter in hand
themselves, and despatches came to San Francisco that Tarpey would be
lynched. John V. George, Henry's brother, was engaged in the business office
of the "Post" and was a witness of what followed.
"Tarpey money and political influence were strong enough to hush the matter up
in the other newspapers, but the 'Post' published the news of the intended
lynching, and an editorial saying that there would be no regrets if the
people should deal out to him the same measure he had meted out to others, and
hang him to the nearest tree, as a 'ghastly evidence' that there was 'still a
sense of justice in California.' Tarpey's relatives in San Francisco and
others of influence came to the office to implore the editor to say no more,
and several anonymous letters were received threatening violence if he did not
stop, but he would not change his course, and next day, following news of
Tarpey's death, he published as a leader an editorial a column and a quarter
long denouncing Tarpey's deed and justifying the lynching. The effect of this was lost by the buying up of a large part
of the edition of the paper by the Tarpey partisans.
"Next day a man, I think named Donally, came to the office inquiring for the
editor. My brother was out and Donally hung around on the sidewalk. When my
brother returned Donally approached and asked him if the article of the day
represented his sentiments. My brother answered that it not only represented
his sentiments, but that he himself wrote it, whereupon Donally impeached the
article and called its author a liar. My brother struck him in the face,
though Donally was a much larger and heavier man. The bystanders interfered
and Donally left. Nothing came of this, although there was talk for a time of
violence to the editor of the 'Post.' But the paper did not change its front
and short editorials on the Tarpey matter kept appearing."
John V. George tells of another occurrence that almost resulted in the
shooting of the aggressive editor. It grew out of the paper's arraignment of
city Chief of Police Crowley, whom it had helped to office, but now hotly
denounced for not closing the gambling hells and clearing out the
crime-infested Chinese quarter, as commanded by city ordinances.
"It was in May, 1873, two months after the Tarpey case. Accompanied by Mr.
Hinton, his partner, and by City Supervisor Stuart Menzies, Port Warden Joseph
Austin, and Daniel O'Connell of the 'Post' staff, my brother, one afternoon
after the paper had gone to press went to the Mint saloon and restaurant, on
Commercial Street, a resort for lawyers and politicians. As they entered,
James Gannon, an ex-detective and supporter of Crowley, tapped my brother on
the shoulder, saying that he wanted to speak with him privately. My brother
stepped aside with him, when Gannon said, 'Let up on Crowley or there will be
trouble,' and when asked what he meant, the ex-detective seized my brother by
the neck with one hand and struck him in the face with the other. My brother
tried to strike back, when Gannon reached down and drew a revolver. But
before he could fire, Menzies, a very strong man, caught his wrist and held
the weapon down, while he and Supervisor McCarthy, who was in the place at the
time, pulled Gannon away. It was proposed at first to bring Gannon to trial,
but the matter was dropped and he afterwards became very sorry for his part
William A. Plunkitt, a school director in the early seventies and supported by
the "Post" in an investigation into a big scandal in the purchasing of school
supplies, has since said:
"Under Henry George's management the 'Post' was a bold, fearless, reform
paper. The standard of political morality or public morals in San Francisco
at that time was very low. While many good men held public official positions,
quite a number of important places in the municipal government were filled by
characterless and unscrupulous demagogues. Mr. George neither respected nor
feared that kind of public functionary. He lashed them as with 'a whip of
scorpions.' The 'Post' and its editor thus became a power, esteemed and
respected by all thoughtful and worthy citizens in San Francisco, and feared
by all public malefactors."
A yet fuller picture of the editor is presented by another contemporary, Mrs.
C.F. McLean, who was then Miss Sallie Hart, and who says that "while writing
his editorials or correcting proof, Mr. George received any and all who, with
or without excuse, 'dropped in to see the editor.'"
"I was a teacher in the public schools of San Francisco when there arose a
question of the reduction of the salaries of the teachers in the lower grades.
Picking up the 'Evening Post,' I noticed an editorial protest, which
inspired me to write a communication to the editor, which I signed with an
assumed name. When the article appeared it was with an editorial request that
'Susan' call at the office. Saturday came and with it the first visit of my
life to a newspaper office. The place was up two flights of stairs.... To my
knock there came a cheery 'Come in,' and on opening the door I came face to
face with Henry George. He was seated at a common table piled high with
papers, while all about on the small floor space were other newspapers, all,
to my unsophisticated eyes, piled in mournful confusion.... I was embarrassed,
almost frightened, but in an instant my breath was fairly taken away, for the
man in front of me said: 'Come in, my little girl.' However, I gasped out that
I had sent the article signed 'Susan.'... 'Now, come sit down,' he said. 'You
must excuse me, but you are so small, and you look so young; do sit down.'
"I sat down, and before I knew what I was saying I had told the editor before
me all about myself. Even then I noticed his large head and bright eyes, and
at once compared them with a picture of Henry Clay that had been familiar to
me from childhood, and thought the head before me was the finer of the two. I
remember now that my first interview with Henry George was brought to a close
by a boy who, I thought, rather imperatively demanded 'copy'; therefore I
hastily rose to go, but not before I had promised to call again soon."
Arthur McEwen was a brilliant young contemporary newspaper worker on the
Pacific Coast with Henry George and testifies that it was the "editorial
policy that marked the 'Post' off from the usual."
"It was as foreign to George to be either a demagogue or a follower in
politics as it was for the 'Post' to keep subscribers and advertisers by
thrifty silence. Women were appearing at local option elections soliciting
votes and receiving disrespectful treatment. Instantly the 'Post' charged upon
the ungallant blackguards, and in a day had every saloon in California for its
enemy. Subscribers withdrew by the thousand and advertisements were withdrawn
by the column, but that made no difference to George."
James V. Coffey, editorial writer on the "Examiner" at this time, and since
Judge of the Superior Court of San Francisco, says that Mr. George "had
apparently an unsystematic method of work, jotting down a paragraph here and a
paragraph there; yet in the end the writing was smooth and connected." This
apparently "unsystematic method of work" doubtless came from dictating to a
stenographer. Having a habit of procrastination, he put off his daily writing
until he was cramped for time and had to work under great pressure. To relieve
this stress he engaged a stenographer, Edward Lande, the first secretary he
ever had. Lande was soon succeeded by Stephen Potter who remained until George
left the "Post" and who says that his chief had an original way of working.
"He would dictate for a few minutes, and then leaving me to transcribe, would
continue the thread of his thoughts with his own pen. In this way he would
dictate and write, and get through an immense amount of work. I ought to say
that at this time he had curious habits of abstraction, often even on the
street he would stop, walk to the curb and stand there apparently deep in
thought and oblivious to the stir about him. I have had to speak several times
on such occasions to rouse him."
Henry George's career on the "Evening Post" terminated November 27, 1875.
Starting the paper with scarcely any capital, it had from the business point
of view a hand to mouth struggle until the close of 1873, when a comparatively
large sum of money was obtained for it. We have Mr. George's own story for
"John P. Jones, then elected United States Senator from Nevada, sought an
interview with me and declared himself interested in such a paper, offering to
furnish us on our own notes, money enough to buy the best press that could be
obtained. I had seen in the 'Sun' office when in New
York in 1869, the first perfecting press, the Bullock, and concluding to
accept this offer of Jones, Mr. Hinton went East and made an arrangement with
the Bullock Company for a press. It was brought out and set up, the first
perfecting press on the Pacific Coast.
"Feeling that we now had facilities for larger circulation and that we should
be making a mistake not to improve it, we concluded to establish a morning
paper, 'The Ledger,' which we did in August, 1875. This was done on an
extensive scale. It was a small daily paper, and for the first time in
journalism, an illustrated Sunday paper. We disdained asking for
advertisements and designed to fill up the whole with reading matter until
advertisements should seek us.
"But a few days after it started there was a great fire in Virginia City,
Nevada, in which many San Franciscans were interested; a heavy decline in some
of the greatest of the mining stocks and the suspension of payment by the Bank
of California. Then came an intense local money panic, during which it became
impossible to collect money and we had to suspend
the 'Ledger.' While we were thus embarrassed John P. Jones demanded the return
of the money he had loaned us or that the paper that we had made should be
surrendered to him. I felt like fighting, and a short article in the 'Post'
would have ended all hopes of his getting anything from it, but my partner,
Mr. Hinton, pleaded the duty of our providing for the employees who were
friends, and tired out with the fight, I finally succumbed, and without a cent
of compensation, on November 27, almost four years to a day after we started
it, gave over the paper to the representative of Jones. "I thus went out with
a dependent family to make a living and not caring to ask or to receive any
offer of employment from other papers, I wrote to Governor Irwin, whom I had
been instrumental in electing a few months before, and asked him to give me a
place where there was little to do and something to get, so that I might
devote myself to some important writing. He gave me the office of State
Inspector of Gas-Meters, which yielded, though intermittently, a sufficient
revenue to live on and which required very little work."
But though Mr. George thus obtained a public office that would afford him a
living, and though he had the purpose before him of engaging in more permanent
writing, the loss of the "Post" seemed to him at the time a great misfortune,
for not only was he at a stroke shorn of the fruits of years of labour, but
was bereft of his weapon as an active factor in the affairs of the City and
State – the keenest of losses to an energetic public man. But this in fact
proved another and a momentous turning point in his career.
 Meeker notes, October, 1897.
 Touching this method of effecting justice, the
editorial said: "Lynch law is a fearful thing. It is only better than the
crime it is invoked to repress in that the impulses of the many are generally
truer and purer than the passions of the individual. It is liable to terrible
mistakes, and it strikes at the very foundations upon which society is
organised. To say that even in a case like this Lynch law is justified is to
admit that the regular and legal methods by which society protects itself have
failed, that our laws in their practical workings are but a snare and a
delusion, and that justice in our courts is but a matter of chance.... The
people of Monterey hung Tarpey themselves because they could not trust the law
to do it. But it will not do to dismiss the case with the simple reflection
that justice has been done. There is a deep moral in it, which we must heed,
unless we are willing to drift back to a condition little short of anarchy.
And there is a moral in it, too, for law breakers as well as law makers
– not for murderers alone, but for thieving officials, corrupt
representatives, and the robbers of all grades who make of law a protection
and means of escape. Our society is not too highly organised to revert upon
great provocation to first principles, and to do for itself, what its
ministers and administrators refuse to do." – "Evening Post," March 18,
 "Henry George: A Study from Life," "The Arena,"
September, 1898. Mrs. McLean subsequently became an occasional writer for the
"Post." She is alluded to in "The Science of Political Economy" (pp.282, 283)
as "the wife of the superintendent of a Western zoological garden, who, coming
to New York with her husband on the annual trip he makes to buy wild animals,
jokingly speaks of 'shopping for menagerie goods.'
 Meeker notes, October, 1897.
 Mr. Hinton, in conversation with Henry George, Jr.,
in April, 1898, said that Jones put in two sums of money – $30,000, for
which he received 30 of the 100 shares of the stock of the paper, and $18,000
for which he received notes. Jones professed to do this solely from motives of
friendliness, but if his real motive was the hope of influencing the paper to
change its policy of hostility to President Grant, whom he warmly supported,
he was disappointed, as his loan and purchase of stock did not affect the
 The paper also moved to new and larger quarters,
504 Montgomery Street, corner of Sacramento, and was supplied with a new dress
of type and office fittings.
 Mr. Hinton says that he saw a man bring an ingot of
gold worth $9,000 into the office of Hickox & Spier, money-brokers, and get
only $1,500 on it.